Over the weekend, Syria’s government said it had agreed to an immediate, nationwide ceasefire with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and was close to reasserting control across most of the country. The truce followed almost two weeks of clashes and is tied to a wider 14-point deal that would fold the SDF into Syria’s military and state institutions.
On Sunday night, SDF commander Mazloum Abdi put out a statement saying they had tried to avert a war through talks in Damascus and Erbil, but that “certain powers” had already decided on it and pushed it onto them. He said the SDF agreed to withdraw to prevent more deaths, while insisting they are still committed to protecting what their community has achieved and framing this as a long-term struggle.
In many Arab communities, the news is being welcomed. Among many Kurds, the dominant feeling is the opposite: betrayal, abandonment, and a sense that they are being forced to swallow a political loss.
To understand the Kurdish perspective better, I talked to Kamal Chomani (X/Twitter), who is a PhD candidate at Leipzig University and editor-in-chief of The Amargi. (Disclaimer: I sometimes publish videos on The Amargi's social media.)
Q: What's your initial reaction to this 14-point agreement? Does it represent a genuine path forward or are there concerning elements for Kurdish communities?
A: The Kurds have learned that idealistic politics gained them more enemies than allies. Depending on international partners who fought ISIS alongside them was a mistake. I supported this agreement, despite it being signed with an Arab Islamist chauvinist mindset, because there are only two options: bloodshed that could cause another Kurdish massacre, or a poor peace deal that prevents ethnic cleansing.
The deal doesn't meet minimal Kurdish demands. But the Kurds have opted for a poor peace agreement rather than risking potential ethnic cleansing. Consider this: the Iraqi Baathist army took 14 years to execute its first massacre of Kurds. In less than a year, Ahmed al-Sharaa's HTS-led Syrian Arab Army massacred Druze, Alawites, and Kurds.
Q: The SDF has controlled these territories for nearly a decade. What does it mean for Kurds to see Syrian state institutions return to al-Hasakah, Deir Ezzor, and Raqqa?
A: It depends. If the state reasserts control to consolidate HTS power, it's unlikely to succeed. But if the state reemerges symbolically and existing Kurdish-led institutions are incorporated, it could represent true Kurdish integration within Syria.
The return of the state in Deir Ezzor and Raqqa shouldn't pose major issues. These cities are predominantly Arab. However, the state should be led by Kurds in al-Hasakah and other Kurdish-majority towns.
Q: The agreement promises official recognition of Kurdish language and cultural rights for the first time since 1946. How significant is this?
A: It's a positive step, and these pledges will likely be kept since al-Sharaa is pragmatic. He'll permit this at least until he solidifies power. However, it's insufficient as long as recognition is just a decree---one president's decree can be overturned by another. Even constitutional protections aren't absolute if the state isn't democratic. In Iran, mother tongue education is officially recognized in the constitution, but only Persian is taught in schools.
Q: What are the risks in integrating SDF forces into Syria's defense and interior ministries through a "vetting" process?
A: There are several. Many SDF, YPG, and YPJ members will likely be rejected. Anyone disliked by the state can be accused of YPG membership. The women's wing, the YPJ, will probably be excluded entirely. If women are absorbed into HTS-led battalions, they'll likely face humiliation---Islamist jihadist groups still consider them "infidels."
Most importantly, the SDF wanted to remain a major force because minorities don't trust the current army, controlled by extremist jihadists. The army in Kurdish territories should be mainly Kurdish, not Sunni Arab jihadists.
Q: The Syrian government will take over prisons holding ISIS fighters. What concerns does this raise?
A: These ISIS fighters committed crimes against humanity and must be prosecuted for actions against Christians, Kurds, Yazidis, and others. They'll also remain a threat within the new army. If integrated, they could strengthen the jihadists already leading the force and might attempt coups.
Q: How should we understand the timing of this agreement, with the US special envoy present and ongoing questions about US commitment?
A: New regional realities have left little space for non-state actors, and once again, the US has shown it can't be fully trusted. There's a popular quote attributed to a Saudi journalist: "whoever covers himself with the US is naked." Sadly, this is true. Kurds are being sacrificed again.
This will harm the reputation of the US in the region. The US not only questions its own commitments but supports undemocratic and aggressive regimes. Regional countries might turn to other superpowers. If China intends to play an active role in the region, it has a prime opportunity.
Q: Al-Sharaa called it "unacceptable for a militia to control a quarter of the country." How do Kurdish communities view the SDF?
A: The SDF wasn't merely a Kurdish force---it was a coalition of Kurdish, Assyrian, Turkoman, and Arab forces, led by Kurds. It enjoyed local legitimacy and international recognition as a formal partner against ISIS for a decade. SDF-controlled areas were among the most prosperous, serving as a site for egalitarian political experimentation.
Not everyone supported the SDF. Some tribal groups with patriarchal traditions opposed it because the SDF promoted gender equality in certain areas.
Q: What will you watch for to gauge whether or not this agreement is being implemented fairly?
A: Whether Kurds attain key roles in Damascus to foster integration, the progress of SDF integration, whether the Syrian state's reestablishment leads to genuine consolidation or just gives Kurds superficial reasons to feel included, and how Kurdish universities and schools are incorporated into the Syrian education system.
Q: What do you want people outside the region to understand about this moment for Kurdish aspirations?
A: The Kurdish issue concerns ethnic and political acknowledgment, justice, and human rights. Without political recognition of Kurdish rights, Syria's stability is at risk. Kurds, Druze, Alawites, and other minorities are vital to Syria. Excluding them from the state and government risks replacing one dictatorship with another---a beardless dictator is gone, a bearded one has taken over.
Normalizing relations with jihadists only boosts their strength elsewhere, allowing them to organize in other Muslim countries and seize opportunities, as al-Sharaa himself warned. Next time, the regime that falls may not be an enemy of the West but an ally.
Kamal Chomani is a PhD student focusing on the political legitimacy in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. He is currently also serving as Editor-in-Chief of The Amargi.
He holds a master's degree in public policy from the Willy Brandt School of Public Policy, Erfurt, completed in September 2022.
Prior to that, he obtained a master's degree in English Literature from the University of Bangalore, India, in 2013.
With over a decade of experience as a journalist in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, he has extensively written in English and Kurdish about the region and Iraq affairs with a focus on state building, democracy, human rights, corruption, Middle East affairs, including the Kurdish question in Turkey, Iran, and Syria.
His research interests also encompass state-building in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region, corruption, and human rights. Kamal currently serves as an editor at the independent platform, the Kurdistan Times, and is a non-resident fellow at the Kurdish Peace Institute in Washington.
Previously, he held the position of a non-resident fellow at the Tahrir Institute for the Middle East Policy in Washington.
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